Camel and camel product marketing in Babilie and Kebribeyah woredas of the Jijiga Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia

Yohannes Mehari, Zeleke Mekuriaw^* and Getachew Gebru^**

P.O.Box 62824 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
yohanmehari@yahoo.com
*Alemaya University, P.O.Box 138, Dre-Dawa, Ethiopia
zeleke_mekuriaw@yahoo.co.uk
**Global Livestock CRSP Pastoral Risk Management Project Utah state University,
Department of Environment and Society, Logan USA C/o ILRI-Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
g.gebru@cgiar.org

Abstract

The study was conducted from July 2005 to January 2006. The objective of this study was to examine the existing marketing situation of camel and camel products in the study areas, Babilie and Kebribeyah woredas, Jijiga Zone of the Somali Regional State. The method of data collection employed was a single visit formal survey. The data were analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 12.

The traditional markets are used for the sale of animals for slaughter, and for the sale of male camels for pack use. The mean numbers of camels sold per household during the year 2004/05 were 1.48 and 1.27 for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively, while, the mean numbers of camels bought were 2.40 and 3.14 in the same order. The mean age of camels sold during the year 2004/05 was 79.90 and 84.80 months for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively. In the same year, the mean age of camels bought was 29.20 and 24.00 months for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively.

The average selling price of camels during the survey year was 2011.36 and 1784.38 birr for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively. In the same year, the average price of bought camels was 1690.00 and 671.00 birr for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively. Respondents (35 and 3.3% in Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively), reported that camel selling time was during festivals. The main reason for selling camels was family cash need to purchase their basic needs. In the study areas, there is a customary of selling larger sized, old and unproductive camels. According to Ethiopian Customs Authority, 726 live camels were exported to Jordan in 2005 only.

Most farmers in Babilie sell camel milk either at Bombas or Babilie town. For Kebribeyah pastoralists, Kebribeyah and Hartisheik towns, and open-air collection centers are camel milk selling places. There was a significant difference (p < 0.01) in the volume of camel milk sold in both seasons between Babilie and Kebribeyah woredas.

Key word: Camel, camel marketing, meat marketing, milk marketing

Introduction

Camels are an essential part of the pastoral daily life. They are important for the pastoralist to be recognized as a true member of the community (Kaufmann and Binder 2002). Camels not only sustain life on a day-to-day basis for many people living on the fringe of subsistence but also serve as depository of wealth and a security against unknown future (Wilson 1998).

In the past few years, with drought and the onset of desertification, most traditional types of livestock have suffered considerably. Camels suffer least and they have survived the crisis without the heavy losses that have occurred in other species. Camel is replacing cattle in many areas in east Africa. Stimulating camel milk production can, therefore, yield impressive results in terms of human nutrition and generation of cash income in the rural economy (Farah 1996).

Sales of animals by pastoralists are basically a function of their basic needs, such as food grains, clothing, health care and fallback during periods of drought. In times of drought, market terms of trade for pastoralists sharply decline. Thus, lack of government and NGO market interventions at times of droughts adversely affect the livelihood of the communities (Belachew 2003).

According to Tezera (1998), Jijiga town is used as the main market for milk and livestock for the surrounding pastoralists. Location advantage, proximity to the strategic livestock markets and sea ports, ethnic similarities, common languages, social and cultural relationships with the communities across the Ethiopia-Somaliland border and weak economic and market bondages within the country have created a conducive environment for market links across the border. The Somaliland either consumes locally the animals it imports or re-exports to the Middle East countries (Eyasu 2003).

Pastoralists are not interested to sell their replacement stock unless they are highly in need of money for very important matters. Even if they expect the up coming month would be much worse than the recent month, they still want to keep their animals, especially the camel cow for their optimistic expectation of the coming good months (Getnet 2004). As camels are life saving resources, they are the last to be taken to market when other livestock failed to offer good value because of loss of body condition during droughts. The proportion of sold camels increases during drought period (Ahmed 2002). The selective offtake of camels by pastoralists was also clear. Most of the camels sold were males and old females; this suggests that pastoralists are reluctant to sell females and valuable younger camels. This confirms that camels in eastern Ethiopia are mainly used for milk production (Schwartz 1992; Zeleke and Bekele 2000).

Of the total livestock annually exported through Berbera port, between 60% (according to Somaliland sources) and 80% (Ethiopian sources) are of Ethiopian origin (Ahrens 1998). The bulk of the animals exported through Berbera come from Somali Regional State, however, government revenues are collected only by Somaliland. The majority of households in Jijiga divide the amount of milk obtained from their herd into part used for home consumption and part used for sale per day, each season while households in Shinlie used almost all milk directly for home consumption (Tezera 1998)

In spite of their invaluable importance, little is known about the marketing of the camels and their products, which is considered as corner stone in understanding the pastoral subsistence economy in the eastern Ethiopia. This study is, therefore, initiated to bridge the information gap on camel sub sector in reference to Jijiga zone.
 

Materials and methods

The survey was conducted in Jijiga Zone of the Somali Regional State. The Somali Regional State, which forms part of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, is situated in the eastern part of the country. It is located 4^o to 11^o North Latitude and 40^o to 48^o East Longitude. The total area of the Regional State is estimated to be around 325 thousand km². The topography of the Region is mainly lowland, however, there are some spots that are relatively high. The altitude ranges between 500 and 1,600 m.a.s.l. The environmental temperature of the area is related to altitude. At Jijiga, area of higher elevation, the average monthly temperature varies between 16 to 20 ^oC, whereas at Degahabur with lower altitude, it is about 22 to 26 ^oC. The average annual rainfall ranges from 300mm to 500mm. The population of Somali Regional State is predominantly pastoralist that lead its livelihood on livestock (MOARD-PADS 2004), and has adapted over many years to survive in a semi-arid and arid environment (Catley 1999).

Jijiga administrative zone can be divided into three separate food economy zones (FEZs), namely, sedentary agriculturalists, agro pastoralists and pastoralists. It borders Shinilie administrative zone to the North, the Hararghe highlands of Oromia Region to the West, Dagahabur to the South, and Somalia to the East (SCF-UK et al 2001). Agropastoralism is a dominant production system in Jijiga Zone. The agro-ecological classification of the Zone includes A1 (arid zone one), A2 (arid zone two), SA1 (semiarid one), and SA2 (semiarid two). Kebribeyah is tepid to cool arid mountains and that of Babilie is tepid to cool sub-moist mountains (MOARD-PADS 2004).

The field wok was undertaken from July 2005 to January 2006. Both primary and secondary data were collected. Primary data sources were the household heads and key informants during group discussion in the respective woredas whereas the secondary data were collected from different concerned line ministries.

The sampling procedure was purposive sampling because strictly random sampling procedure might not be possible due to mobile, scattered and less accessible nature of pastoral communities (Tezera 1998). The household heads were selected based on camel possessions and willingness to be part of the survey.

Forty camel herders from Babilie and sixty camel herders from Kebribeyah woredas were interviewed using a semi-structured questionnaire. For conducting the field survey, five enumerators and two supervisors who have the knowledge about the area and well acquainted with the culture and can speak local language were recruited and "trained" on the methods of data collection and contents of the interview.

The method of data collection employed was a single visit formal survey (ILCA 1990). Camel milk and meat marketing was also assessed using the structured questionnaire. Mean number and age of camels sold and bought, average selling price of camel was used for analysis; analysis of variance (ANOVA) of paired sample t-test for age, average selling price and number of camels sold and bought was run. Marketing involves the sale, purchase or exchange of products such as live animals, milk, meat and hides for cash or goods in kind (ILCA 1990). At the herd level, the total voluntary disposal of animals by sale, slaughter, exchange and/or gift is known as gross offtake (ILCA 1990).

For the purpose of comparison, the following measurements were used (ILCA 1990):

Gross offtake in period (t) = sum of sales+ slaughters+ exchange+ gifts during period (t)

The data were analyzed using the computer software SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Science) version 12.
 

Result and discussion

Camel marketing

The traditional markets are used for the sale of animals for slaughter, and for the sale of male camels for pack use (Table 1).

The traditional local markets supply camels to those pastoral and mixed farming communities who need burden camels, but do not themselves breed camels. Example of this is seen in the supply of burden camels by the Gabra to their neighbours, the Boran cattle breeders; the sale of camels by the Afar to their Western Oromo neighbours; and for the needs of the great salt caravan trade (Hartley 1984).

Live animal marketing

The mean numbers of camels sold per household during the year 2004/05 were 1.48 and 1.27 for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively, while, the mean numbers of camels bought were 2.40 and 3.14 in the same order. The mean age of camels sold during the year 2004/05 was 80 and 85 months for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively (Table 2).

In the same year, the mean age of camels bought was 29 and 24 months for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively. The selling and buying of camels was performed in the same market (s). The potential sellers of camels were pastoralists whereas both pastoralists and traders were camel buyers even though traders concentrated in buying matured camels. The average selling price of camels during the year 2004/05 was 2011.36 and 1784.38 birr for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively (Table 3).

In the same year, the average price of bought camels was 1690.00 and 671.00 birr for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively.

The analysis of variance (ANOVA) of the paired sample t-test for age, average selling price and number of camels sold and bought indicated that there was higher significance difference (p<0.01) between age of camels sold and bought. Similarly (p<0.01) for average price of camels sold and bought. There was significance difference (p<0.05) for camel numbers sold and bought also. Less number of camels was sold and more number of camels bought. On the top of this, the mean age and price of camels sold was greater than the mean age and price of camels that were bought for both woredas, respectively. This implied the objective of pastoralists towards increasing herd size.

Babilie, Gursum, Jijiga and Degahabur are the main market areas where herders from Babilie and Kebribeyah sale and buy animals including camels. Camel marketing data for these areas was scarce and not updated. The only data obtain were those collected 14 years ago by SERP. The number of camels offered, sold, unsold and their average prices between the year 1984 - 1986 for Babilie, Gursum, Jijiga and Degahabur were compared. There was no significant difference between years and markets for the number of animals offered, sold, and their average price.

Respondents (35 and 3.3% in Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively) reported that camel-selling time was during festivals. The great disparity emanated from different marketing accessibility between the two woredas in that, Babilie have better access to market than Kebribeyah. The better water and forage availability during the dry season in Babilie than Kebribeyah, more number of respondents in Kebribeyah (20%) forced to sell their camels than their counter part in Babilie (10%).

Based on 45 and 68% of respondents in Babilie and Kebribeyah woredas, the main reason for sale of camels is family cash need to realize their basic needs. In the study areas there is a customary of selling larger sized, old and unproductive camels. This practice may be used to balance the herd structure and cull the unproductive camels. Similar findings was reported by Zeleke and Bekele (2000) who stated that most of the camels sold are males and old females, which reveals that pastoralist are reluctant to sell females and valuable younger camels.

In Ethiopia, one of the world's camel populated countries, the export of camel is almost none. The number of camels exported to different countries is not clearly indicated and the export data registered only total live animal exported indiscriminately without singling out the share of camels. The only separate data for live camel export was obtained from Ethiopian Customs Authority for the year 2005. According to this source, 726 live camels were exported to Jordan in 2005 only.

Camel product marketing

Camel pastoralists depend on exchange of some form of goods or services with their neighbors in order to obtain supplementary foodstuff from them. In such societies, camel milk constitutes to be an important food. It has a pleasant taste and it has little or no market outside the community of camel herders or ex-camel people. It is difficult to ascertain the extent to which camel pastoralists in Africa and Arabia have traditionally been oriented towards a meat market (Dahl and Hjort 1984).

Milk marketing

Most respondents prefer camel milk than milk of other animals because they believe that camel milk has a medicinal value, best quality, nutritious, easily digestible, whitens a tea more than other milk types (it has twice as much whitening concentration compared with other milk types), and lasts longer.

Camel milk sale was the main sources of income. Few of the respondents have no opportunity of selling camel milk for the reason that either they did not have a lactating camel or the produced milk was not above the family consumption. Most farmers in Babilie sell their milk either at Bombas or Babilie town. For Kebribeyah pastoralists, Kebribeyah and Hartisheik towns, and open-air collection centers where milk is collected by a number of Somaliland pickups and trucks are camel milk selling places (Table 4).

Pastoralists in Babilie sell morning milk only whereas in Kebribeyah the time of selling milk is found to be both in the morning and evening mainly due to their better access to the market (Table 5).

According to respondents, 36.45 and 77.85 percent of camel milk produced during wet season and 40.32 and 45.59 percent of camel milk produced during dry season for Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively was sold. There was higher significance difference (p < 0.01) in the volume of camel milk sold in both seasons between Babilie and Kebribeyah woredas. It was found to be higher for Kebribeyah (p<0.05) than for Babilie. The difference was due to higher family size and lower market accessibility in Babilie than in Kebribeyah.

Meat marketing

It is well known that sales, slaughters and exchange of animals affect the gross offtake. The data obtained from respondents revealed that 31 and 19 camels were sold and 7 and 43 camels where slaughtered in the year 2004/05 from Babilie and Kebribeyah, respectively. About 23 camels were exchanged for cultural obligations in Kebribeyah and no exchange in Babilie. As the result, the gross offtake was found to be 7.09 and 8.22% for Babilie and Kebribeyah woredas, respectively.

There was higher gross offtake for Kebribeyah than Babilie. This was due to the fact that there were higher slaughters and exchanges of camels due to marriages and other social obligations in the same woreda during the survey year.
 

Conclusion

• Marketing influences the productivity and reproductivity of animals. Sustainable market initiate producers to improve management of their animals, this in return pave a way to increase the productivity of their animals. Less number of camels was sold and more number of camels bought; the mean age and price of camels sold was greater than the mean age and price of camels that were bought for both woredas, respectively. This implied that the objective of pastoralists is towards increasing herd size.

• It is well known that camel milk is one of the most reliable income sources to the pastoralist in the harsh area but Pastoralists in Babilie sell morning milk only whereas in Kebribeyah the time of selling milk is found to be both in the morning and evening mainly due to their better access to the market. Improving market condition may resolve the prevailing problem.
   

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